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International Bibliographic Index (IBI) - Printable Version +- Particracy Forum (https://forum.zanz2.dev) +-- Forum: In Character (IC) (https://forum.zanz2.dev/forum-6.html) +--- Forum: Life (https://forum.zanz2.dev/forum-42.html) +---- Forum: Arts (https://forum.zanz2.dev/forum-43.html) +---- Thread: International Bibliographic Index (IBI) (/thread-149.html) |
RE: International Bibliographic Index (IBI) - Wu Han - 05-12-2025 ![]() Title: Avnayheim Author(s): Various Published: Gem Publishing Year: 5430 Language(s): Yeudish (original); multiple translations. Physical Details: 372 p. Subjects: History (of Beiteynu). Wiki Page: Click here. Summary: Avnayheim (Gems) is a history book infused with elements of fiction that tells the story of the Yeudi Monarchy and the House of Elior through the forging of the 8 Gems by Elior and their transformation into the Yeudi Heritage's closely tied cultural symbol, as a result of the Yeudi Diaspora of the 1500s. The story begins with the Qedarite Migrations, thousands and thousands of years ago. Ariel claimed Elyon spoke to him of a Holy Land to the West; a claim that found followers amidst the Birites in Cildania, essentially founding Yeudism and giving the Yeudi People their first essence as a race. Ariel had a trusted confidant; Elior. At his deathbed, he told Elior of his vision of the impending Yeudi Diaspora, which took place by the 1500s, after the end of the Sacred Monarchy of Beiteynu during the Ancient Era of Beiteynu. Thus, Elior forged the 8 Gems, which would inevitably bind the Yeudi Monarchy with the Yeudi Heritage, when Ishmael I, one of his descendants, was crowned Meleh of the 1st Yeudi Homeland in 908; with the Yeudi Crown of 8 Gems, the one lost throughout history and unveiled 4000 years later by Aristocrat Insurance Group. Well, at least that's according to the legend of the House of Elior. The passing of history saw Cildanian Hegemony (Qedarite Empire) and Pontesi's occupation after the sacking of Yishelem, which led the direct lineage of the House of Elior's Yeudi Monarchs to fade into obscurity. Through the Modern Era of Beiteynu and by 2000, a 2nd Yeudi Homeland was annexed by Barmenistan, Pontesi and Narikaton and Darnussia. The 3rd, 4th and 5th Yeudi Homelands by the 2300s came to pass, at which point it was confirmed that Yeladim Keshef of the Keshef House from Keymon, mapped the whereabouts of the 8 Gems, for the first time providing some context to what was largely assumed as one of the Culture of Beiteynu's legends. Then something curious happened. The 6th Yeudi Homeland ended with Luthori's claim of the Kingdom of Yishelem by the 2800s. The Bloodline tells the story of Theodore Aristocrat, a Yeudi from Kafuristan, who found Keshef's notes - confirmed by Baruch Lea Tzafrir's travel logs 3000 years later. The Aristocrat House was an avid hater of the International Monarchist League - after all, it fought the Axis with the Global Peacekeeping Organisation through Kalopia, so why did the Aristocrats continuously meet with the Holy Luthori Empire's kings and queens? The end of the Kingdom brought the Limelight Era of Beiteynu. Where's the 7th Yeudi Homeland? If the Homeland State of Beiteynu established in 5400, thousands of years later during the Emergence Era of Beiteynu was marked as the 8th Yeudi Homeland, what was the 7th? If it was the Kingdom, why is Luthori's claim over Beiteynu still, well, claimed as one of the homelands? Supposedly, the beans are spilled by those involved, directly or indirectly, with the most controversial book series in modern Beiteynuese history: The Meddling Affairs. A story of a worldwide plot on the whereabouts of the jewels of legend. Originally posted by GreekIdiot on Jan 28, 2024. RE: International Bibliographic Index (IBI) - Wu Han - 05-12-2025 ![]() ![]() Title: Quotations from Leader Sigismondo Falzon Author(s): Falzon, Sigismundo Published: Qart Qildar: Federazzjoni Ġenerali tax-Xogħol Year: 5402 Language(s): Gziri (original); multiple translations. Physical Details: 109 p. Subjects: Quotations. Wiki Page: N/A. Summary: Quotations from Leader Sigismondo Falzon, popularly known as the "Little Orange Book," is a collection of quotes and speeches delivered by Cildanian former Deputy Prime Minister Sigismondo Falzon. The book was initially produced and published by the Federazzjoni Ġenerali tax-Xogħol (General Labour Federation) as a form of satire and critique, amidst a resurgence of interest in the iconic political figure. In time, however, the book would become popular among fans and supporters of Falzon. Notable Quotations: Falzon, on misogyny in contemporary politics: Quote:You think you can f--king threaten one of my girls, you filthy c--ksucker? We can't go around treatin' women like f--kin' objects. That's not how a f--kin' boss conducts himself. Now, I ain't no professor or nothin', but that's some f--kin' toxic masculinity sh-t, and we need to f--kin' address it. No more degradin' comments or this objectifyin' yadda-yadda. And certainly no threatening to kill a f--kin' defenceless dame!Falzon, on Guiliano Alagona in 5323: Quote:Don’t let his pretty face fool you! Guili is tough as nails! I cannot tell you how many times, during particularly tense negotiations, that I’ve wanted to wrap my hands around that slender neck and watch the life drain from his face!Falzon, on antiyeudism and religious freedom: Quote:Listen, I'm glad I got the government off its tookus, but these measures, I mean, c'mon! Right after their synagogue was bombed, you're going to send in the troops to place the Yeudi community under martial law? It's ridiculous! Y'know, we were once a nation of religious freedom—but not under this government's watch! It wasn't the Yeudis who blew their own rabbi sky high, it was the antiyeudi thugs who have been inspired and strengthened over the years by Franġi's coalition partners' willingness to dabble in such disgusting ideas.Falzon, on Margerita Giudice, Leader of One Flag, and the normalization of fascism: Quote:And here I thought Margerita was this vivacious, ravishing woman—which she still is, ok? I can't take that from her—but f-ck me, is she ever dirty? All of us who were engaged in the democracy struggle, we had one f-cking big, thick, hard red line: we won't make deals with the fascists. Now look what she's gone and done! And don't get me started on Little Piscopo Jr. This pair... they have royally f-cked our democratic system!Falzon, on drag performers and crossdressers: Quote:Listen, you do you, I'll do me, and together we'll live in harmony. To me, these are some real freaks and weirdos—but if bein' a freak or a weirdo was a crime, Little Piscopo would have been locked up long ago!Falzon, in commemoration of the Qart Qildar Synagogue bombing: Quote:If one of these dirty motherf-ckers tries something again, you have my word as a man that I will braid their hair into my f-ckin' bathmat so I can stand on their ugly f-ckin' faces and piss down their throats until they drown! It's inexcusable that there have been no arrests—the person responsible for this beastly act needs to be pulled out of the hole they're hiding in, hogtied, and dragged behind a f-ckin' police cruiser until they get to the headquarters of the goddamned Civil Guard! Lock them up and throw away the key! Originally posted by Wu Han on Jan 31, 2024. RE: International Bibliographic Index (IBI) - Wu Han - 17-02-2026 ![]() ![]() Title: Constructing International Law: Contributions and Contradictions of the Security Council Author(s): Demartino, Alessia Published: Harat: University of Harat Press Year: 5402 Language(s): Gziri (original); multiple translations. Physical Details: 389 p. Subjects: Non-fiction; political theory; international law. Wiki Page: N/A. Summary: In Constructing International Law, Cildanian political scientist and international legal theorist Alessia Demartino examines the construction of international law, particularly as through the actions taken, and norms promoted, by the World Congress Security Council. In surveying the body of active Security Council Resolutions, Demartino argues that the Security Council is the single most important and influential institution in the development of international law and global political norms. The most notable positive contributions of the World Congress and the Security Council, according to Demartino, include the Declaration of Natural Human Rights (Appendix I), the Condemnation of Anti-Religion Bigotry (Appendix II), the Ban on Armed Conflict Between States (Appendix III), and the Prohibition of Forced Marriage (Appendix IV), among other important developments. Security Council Resolution 88 (Appendix V) is particularly important, according to Demartino, as it offers the "clearest and most authoritative declaration of what the role of the World Congress is, and should be," while also enshrining the norms of state sovereignty and non-interference at the highest order of international law. Nevertheless, Demartino identifies a number of issues and contradictions. Importantly, Demartino argues that the legal status of the World Congress, the Security Council, and its resolutions, remains vague—what resolutions are binding? What resolutions are non-binding? What status do resolutions hold relative to global treaties? How are agencies funded? How are they organized? Who directs them, and how are they appointed? All these questions—and more, as Demartino suggests—are important to resolve for future development and clarification of the World Congress system. Leaving these issues unresolved, while also permitting the unhindered proliferation of new organizations, agencies, and mandates within the World Congress system, has led to “institutional malaise," for though “the Security Council is well-equipped to enforce norms, particularly though punitive acts which only it can legally undertake (Appendix III), [it is] less well-equipped to promote norm adoption through peaceful means.” In other words, while the SC is experienced and able when it comes to military interventions in order to enforce certain norms (and the overwhelming majority of Security Council Resolutions affirms this), it has much less institutional expertise or organization when it comes to other dimensions of norm promotion, such as through developmental programs, aid agencies, legal bodies, etc. Despite past efforts, these areas of the World Congress system remain under- or entirely undeveloped. Demartino concludes her book by arguing that, on the basis of automatic state membership in the World Congress, the World Congress system represents a uniquely universal terrain for legal contestation, diplomacy, and the overall advancement of global governance in a way which represents and respects the sovereignty and views of all the recognized nations of the world, and to which they are all equally accountable. What provides international law any means or mechanism for enforcement is the unique legal character of the Security Council, however the Security Council is primarily equipped for authorizing punitive actions, rather than resolving disputes through alternative and/or peaceful mechanisms. Demartino suggests that further reform, particularly as it relates to the development of the International Court of Justice, should focus on expanding alternative avenues for dispute resolution, and generally in promoting and enforcing international standards. Notable Quotations: N/A Appendix (OOC: references originally linked to are included in full here since they were on the PT Classic server): I. Security Council Resolution 100: Declaration of Natural Human Rights Quote:(OOC: Originally written by Liu Che, published on Jul 25, 2020)Quote:Recognizing that human rights should be promoted through cooperation and consensus, and not through confrontation and and the imposition of incompatible values, traditions, and cultures,Declaration of Natural Human RightsYes: Yingdala; Likatonia; Vascania; Hutori; Jakania; Endralon; Dorvik II. Security Council Resolution 103: Condemnation of Anti-Religion Bigotry Quote:(OOC: Originally written by Pragma, published on Nov 05, 2020).Quote:Appreciating that the freedom to practice one's own religion is vital to the functioning of a free society and the preservation of free speech, III. Security Council Resolution 110: Ban on Armed Conflict Between States Quote:(OOC: Originally written by Jamescfm, published on Jan 15, 2021).Quote:The Security Council,Yes: Liore; Selucia; Aldegar; Dankuk; Dorvik IV. Security Council Resolution 114: Prohibition of Forced Marriage Quote:(OOC: Originally written by Jamescfm, published on Feb 15, 2021).Quote:The Security Council,Yes: Aldegar; Dankuk; Endralon; Liore V. Security Council Resolution 88: Guiding Principles of the World Congress Quote:Quote:RECALLING that the World Congress was established to serve as a body where nations could resolve their disputes peacefully;Yes: Yingdala Originally posted by Wu Han on Jan 31, 2024. RE: International Bibliographic Index (IBI) - Wu Han - 17-02-2026 ![]() ![]() Title: In Search of Human Rights Author(s): Demartino, Alessia Published: Harat: University of Harat Press Year: 5405 Language(s): Gziri (original); multiple translations. Physical Details: 354 p. Subjects: Non-fiction; political theory; international law. Wiki Page: N/A. Summary: In their book In Search of Human Rights (5405), Cildanian political scientist and international legal scholar Alessia Demartino argues that "human rights" remain a normative concept with a deeply contested meaning, and unclear or unequal application within the institutions of international politics, and in global politics writ large. Demartino begins the book by recounting the famous exchange of letters (Appendix I) between Sekowan lay Daenist leader Okuno Kayoko and Human Rights Foundation Secretary-General Ibezimako Nkemdilim. In this exchange, Okuno asks Nkemdilim to locate what his organization considers the basis for essential human rights in law. Nkemdilim cites the Declaration of Natural Human Rights (SC R100) as the “most significant statement of global rights,” though it has notable flaws, including its “restrictive language regarding the… promotion of human rights abroad” and the “marginal” commitment of the World Congress and its constituent bodies/agencies in the “improvement in the state of international human rights.” Demartino picks up from this exchange, agreeing with Nkemdilim that while the Declaration remains the core and foundational document underlying the norm of human rights, it is lacking in many ways, such as its overemphasis on state responsibilities and the relations between states; Demartino argues that the Declaration prioritizes the sovereignty and integrity of states over promoting and protecting the rights of human beings. Demartino asks: “what human rights-based claim can a stateless individual make, to whom, in view of the Declaration?” In the text, Demartino further contends that the Declaration provides little by way of enshrining a right to the material needs of human beings to actualize the rights they have been granted elsewhere in the document. Moreover, the Declaration fails to incorporate and reiterate other important liberal international norms guiding human rights, such as the prohibition of slavery and racial segregation. Here, Demartino suggests that it may be more constructive and efficient to develop norms and international human rights law "from the bottom up" through treaties, rather than depending solely on the Security Council; the Security Council can then adopt the norms and standards developed through such agreements and conventions, as it has in SC R109 (Appendix II), which "Proclaims the Law of the Sea as jus cogens, peremptory norm that is applicable erga omnes, to all states, whether they are party to the treaty or not." To this end, Demartino highlights agreements such as the Convention on the Humane Treatment of Prisoners of War and the Global Emancipation Treaty as representative examples of treaties which have enshrined certain international legal norms related to human rights within the body of customary international law, instead of relying on the "top-down" approach of Security Council Resolutions. Reiterating an argument made in her earlier book Constructing International Law (5402), Demartino suggests that an important issue for the Security Council to resolve is the extent to which certain resolutions may be binding, while others may be non-binding. Examining the area of human rights and human rights enforcement is informative to this end, for while the Declaration is non-binding, the norm of human rights have been routinely invoked to legitimize Security Council enforcement actions, such an interventions and/or sanctions. “The Security Council has an important monopoly in the international legal apparatus, in that it is the sole institution which has legal authority to determine the legitimacy or illegitimacy of military intervention,” writes Demartino. “Thus, it would seem that the distinction between non-binding and binding SC resolutions depends strictly on the politics and capacities of the powers elected to the Security Council; all resolutions have the latent capacity to be binding, if the political determination to enforce them is present amongst the Security Council majority.” Notable Quotations: N/A Appendix (OOC: references originally linked to are included in full here since they were on the PT Classic server): I. Letter exchange between Okuno Kayoko and the Secretary-General of the Human Rights Foundation Ibezimako Nkemdilim. Quote:Letter from Ms. Okuno Kayoko and Dr. Sonoda Saburo of Seko to the Secretary-General of the Human Rights Foundation Mr. Ibezimako Nkemdilim, II. Security Council Resolution 109: International Maritime Law Quote:(OOC: Originally written by Polites, published on Jan 12, 2021).Quote:The Security Council,Yes: Selucia; Aldegar; Liore; Dorvik Originally posted by Wu Han on Jan 31, 2024. |