Marshall Abdurashid Yüknäki in front of the Homeland Security Council

In a barbaric act that has shocked the entire country, President Eset Alaq and several members of the Council of Ministers were killed in a bomb attack. The attack happened in the afternoon at the Square of Heroes of 5364, where the president had planned a speech regarding the recent Vahidov-Fayziyev Affair. According to reports, the attacker has yelled, "Long live the revolution! Down with the capitalists! Down with the Westerners!" before the attack, tying it to the far-left Dovani and Communist Party of Utaristan, which has, however, refuted any association. While the investigation is still ongoing, it's apparent that the party leadership was aware of the planned attack and approved it. According to the evidence, the DCPU has decided to split with the SDLP due to the corruption scandal and has planned to commit a far-left coup.

In the hours immediately following the attack, the Utaristani Armed Forces, in cooperation with the Utaristani Police, have raided DCPU offices across the country. In an emergency session the National Assembly has unanimously proclaimed a state of emergency and established the Homeland Security Council, composed of the highest-ranking officials of the government and armed forces. Following its establishment, the HSC has dissolved the National Assembly and the Council of Ministers and declared martial law across the country. In a televised speech to the nation, the Director of the HSC, Marshal Abdurashid Yüknäki, has proclaimed that the attack was tied to the far-left DCPU. He has announced that all political activity within the country will be stopped until proper governance is re-established. Until then the right to association, the right to free speech, and the right to free press will be temporarily limited.

Immediately following the speech, the Social Democratic Labour Party, the Liberal Democratic Party, the Ahmadi Democratic Party of Utaristan, and the Conservative Party have announced their alignment with Marhal Yüknäki. The country's ethnic parties, the Utari Mosir Party, the Ciltay National Party, and the Hulstrian and Hosian Party, along with the far-right fundamentalist Homeland Party for Ashkerstan, have denounced Yüknäki's actions as a military coup but have otherwise remained neutral and did not oppose the new government in any way. The DCPU has meanwhile declared Yüknäki to be an enemy of all proletariat and has vowed to take part in armed resistance. There are already rumours of limited fighting in the outskirts of large cities; however, most of DCPU's support lies within the urban areas, where the Armed Forces maintain complete control. However, there appears to be no open armed conflict to break out.

Marshall Abdurashid Yüknäki attending parade.

As the country recovers from the shock of past months, the Director of the Homeland Security Council, the new executive body of Utaristan, Marshall Abdurashid Yüknäki, has given a speech outlining the HSC's plans for the future. According to Yüknäki, the revolutionary threat in the form of the Dovani and Communist Party of Utaristan has been mostly dealt with, as the party has become complacent thanks to 2 decades of participation in electoral politics and lost most of its revolutionary potential. However, according to information revealed to the new regime by intelligence agencies and published to the wider public, the communists might not have been the only threat.

As per the new revelations, the DCPU has cooperated with the ethnic and separatist parties in the form of the Utari Mosir Party, the Ciltay National Party, and the Hosian and Hulstrian Party, promising them autonomy despite their diverging far-left and far-right politics. In reaction to this, the HSC has passed the National Security Act, outlawing all ethnic parties in the country. Despite its Ashker nationalism, the Homeland Party of Ashkerstan has been targeted also. As the government conducted raids on separatist hideouts across urban areas, fighting broke out in the Western Provinces, where ethnic tensions were always high, and in rural areas. Unlike the DCPU, which has long since moderated from its revolutionary zeal of the Utaristani Spring, the separatists have never given up their hidden weapon caches and have taken up arms. Despite this, it's improbable the radical militia will be able to do much against the formidable Armed Forces of Utaristan.

Following the passing of the NSA, the HSC-aligned parties of the Social Democratic Labour Party, the Liberal Democratic Party, the Ahmadi Democratic Party of Utaristan, and the Conservative Party have announced that they have concluded negotiations between the parties and the HSC and reached agreement. All the parties will proceed to merge into a singular Administrative Party of Utaristan. Despite this seemingly anti-democratic move, Marshall Zholdoshov has made it clear that this arrangement is only temporary, until preservation of Utaristan's territorial integrity is ensured.

In order to help the situation in the country, the HSC has announced it will be reversing the policy of "splendid isolation", a policy of complete international isolation that the SDLP-DCPU government maintained for the past two decades in order to focus on improving the living standards of Utaristani citizens, though the success of such a policy is doubtful since the standard of living has not drastically changed in these years. While relations with the Democratic Republic of Xsampa seem uncertain due to the possibility of Xsampan involvement in Utaristan's internal affairs and support for the Utaristani far left, Marshall Yüknäki has made it clear that Utaristan is open to relations and friendship with any willing nation. Yüknäki has also dismissed the accusations levied by Bianjie on violation of political rights as irrelevant, since the current restrictions are temporary in nature. He has also stated that Utaristan will gladly follow Bianjie's request to act according to domestic law, since the domestic law has been amended in order to ensure more effective administration and stabilisation.

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Military band of the Armed Forces during a parade in Cise

In recent months, almost two years after the coup, the regime of Marshall Abdurashid Yüknäki and the Homeland Security Council has begun to implement wide administrative reforms. The first move was approval of the Homeland Administration and Stabilisation Act, restructuring the governing HSC into a new Administrative Military Committee with an even wider range of powers, thus completing the transformation into a stratocracy. The AMC has proceeded to completely reform the structure of the 11 provinces of Utaristan, creating the Western Provinces General Administrative Military District, Central Utaristan and Greater Cise General Administrative Military District, and the Eastern Utaristan General Military District, which consist of various Local Administrative Military Districts, equivalent to old provinces, creating subdivisions such as the Kotanmosir Local Administrative Military District.

Following the establishment of a more permanent structure for the new regime, several factions have crystallised within the AMC and its aligned Administrative Party of Utaristan. The strongest factions are the Stratocrats, led by Marshall Yüknäki, who believe in imposing their vision of an apolitical military government upon Utaristan, and the Idealists, a coalition of liberals who believe this is a golden opportunity to reshape Utaristan into a proper institutional multi-party democracy. Among fringe factions belongs the Kaliburg Clique, a coalition of people inspired by the political system of the Empire of Ananto and Kalistan, who believe Utaristan should be transformed into a state with strong institutional autocracy, at the cost of political rights, but providing citizens with wide civic liberties. Another fringe faction is the Federal Coalition, a grouping that believes that the central government should be weakened and that the provinces of Utaristan should be given wide autonomy.

So far it appears that Yüknäki's clique maintains secure dominance; however, that could quickly change, especially if Yüknäki fails to stabilise the situation in the Western Provinces. The recorded number of attacks against government infrastructure in Kotanmosir, Utarigawa, and Utarimark, the three provinces generally considered to form the geographical term 'Western Provinces', has risen razantly over the last year and 4 months since Yüknäki's coup. Since the coup, the People's Liberation Militia, an armed splinter of the Dovani and Communist Party of Utaristan from which it has split over disagreement over electoral politics, has formed a coalition with the Dovani Century Revolutionary Corps, a remnant of the old pan-Dovanist far-left Dovani Century Movement which merged into the DCPU years ago, and the Utari People's National Army, a far-left nationalist Utari separatist, into the Armed Revolutionary Popular Front of Utaristan. While the ARPFU is strong in urban centres and some rural areas, it is contested by the New Hulstrian Army Faction, an armed wing of the Hosian and Hulstrian Party, in the west, as well as the Ahmadi Army of Ashkerstan in the east. In urban areas the ARPFU has formed an alliance with a revolutionary liberal militia known as Brigade of 5634, referring to the Utaristani Spring.

Even though the Yüknäki government remains in control through most of the country, the situation could deteriorate, especially if foreign powers like Xsampa or Bianjie decide to take concrete steps against the regime.

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Director Ablet Avutov attending a meeting of the Administrative Military Committee.

Ever since the death of the dictator of Utaristan, Uwais Ötkür, several months ago, the Administrative Military Committee (AMC), the governing body of the Utaristani junta, has been in fierce power struggle. The main two sides of the power struggle are the Conservatives, who are followers of the late dictator and who support the current repressive status quo, and Reformists, who seek to liberalise Utaristan's political system.

Utaristan has been a military dictatorship since 5674, when a terrorist attack committed by the far-left Dovani and Communist Party of Utaristan killed the then president, Eset Alaq, and several other government officials, and martial law was declared by Marshal Abdurashid Yüknäki. In the following years, the Homeland Administration and Stabilisation Act, passed in 5676, transformed the democratic republic into a one-party military regime under the leadership of the AMC. Yüknäki remained the Director of AMC and dictator of Utaristan until his death in 5689, when he was succeeded by Uwais Ötkür. Under Uwais Ötkür the country has completed its transformation, with the sidelining of any non-military political influence and the end of any pretence at aiming to return to democratic governance, which was an important characteristic of Yüknäki's regime.

As has happened following Yüknäki's death, after Ötkür's death the entire AMC has convened to renew directly. While it was clear that Ötkür's chosen successor, Ablet Avutov, will be elected, the power struggle was more even than expected, as even some of Ötkür's lackeys turned against his will following his death, instead backing the reformist candidate.

Now the newly appointed dictator faces many challenges to his reign, such as widespread corruption, economic stagnation and inflation, the rise of underground opposition, and the danger of natural catastrophes.

Corruption is typical for dictatorships, and Utaristan is no different. Corruption is constant across Utaristani society, both among ordinary citizens and the highest-ranking officials. Due to this corruption, many citizens distrust the regime, seeing it as an oligarchy of a wealthy few. Corruption has also caused economic stagnation in Utaristan, as funds intended for investment and development instead fill the pockets of the rich owners of both private and state-owned companies. Despite the lack of any real investments, the Utaristani budget is deep in the negatives, especially due to the bloated military budget. In an attempt to lessen the deficit, the Utaristani regime has begun printing massive amounts of money, however, this has not really helped and has only driven up inflation.

Citizen dissatisfaction with corruption, stagnation, and generally the status quo of the country has led to a rapid rise in the activity of underground movements. While Ötkür had maintained an iron grip and strong police state, that has come to unravel in the few months since his death. According to our investigations, the main elements of opposition are either far-left or separatist, with very few liberal or non-separatist right-wing activities. Among the strongest movements recorded belongs the Armed Revolutionary Popular Front of Utaristan (ARPFU), a far-left militia that emerged from the merging of the Dovani Century Revolutionary Corps and the People's Revolutionary Militia.

One of the understated dangers for modern Utaristan is floods. Utaristan is the lowest-lying country on Terra and the country with the lowest height variation. This means the country is very flat and very close to the sea, and thus is in danger of floods.

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Fighters of the Armed Revolutionary Popular Front of Utaristan.

According to independent reports, the far-left Armed Revolutionary Popular Front of Utaristan (ARPFU) has managed to attack several locations manned by the Utaristani army. The actions were lightning-quick raids, apparently with the purpose to steal military equipment and supplies. Despite rumours and speculations spreading across the country damaging the regime's reputation, state media keeps silence. According to some estimates, the group might have captured equipment for up to 5 thousand soldiers.

Created in 5676, the ARPFU was originally a coalition of various left-wing militias but has consolidated into a cohesive organisation. According to itself, it subscribes to the ideology of vanguard socialism, believing that a revolutionary vanguard party must lead the socialist revolution and the socialist state.

Under Ötkür, the previous dictator, essentially all resistance was suppressed, and even the ARPFU was very weak, but despite that, it remained active. Thanks to its resilience, the ARPFU became the strongest resistance organisation, stronger than any right-wing or liberal militia, particularly thanks to its wide support among the Utari people and even other minorities. After the passing of Ötkür, the socialist organisation has quickly begun regaining its strength.

Recently the ARPFU has elected as its new leader an Utari-Ciltay radical, Abenanka Ibraev. Ibraev has quickly reinvigorated the organisation, starting a recruitment drive, as well as escalating attacks and incidents, as seen with the recent raid.

Under Ibraev's direction the organisation has established the so-called "Five Revolutionary Aims". Those are:

1) Complete defeat of the military regime.
2) Justice for all wronged by the military regime
3) Equal representation for all nations and religions, including autonomy.
4) Redistribution of wealth and restoration of the welfare state.
5) Establishment of revolutionary and socialist democracy.

While the ARPFU is by far the strongest resistance force, it is not the only one. In the Western Provinces there are still remnants of the Hulstrian Army Faction, a resistance group that emerged at the same time as the ARPFU. In the Farovon Local Administrative Military District, the least densely populated part of the country, containing mostly cold desert, and known for its conservatism, there are various small and uncoordinated Ahmadi radical militias emerging.

In recent days catastrophic massive floods have affected most of Utaristan. As the country is the lowest-lying and flattest country on Terra, it is naturally vulnerable to floods. These circumstances were made even worse by lack of flood preparedness, caused by many complex factors.

The floods are presumed to be caused by the heavy rainfall over Utaristan that has been ongoing for the past few days. This has caused rivers to raise level and water to spread wide into the surroundings.

While Utaristan used to have robust protections against floods, built during the governance of the Social Democratic Labour Party, in the form of anti-flood walls, emergency evacuation preparedness exercises and similar, this infrastructure has deteriorated in the years since the establishment of the military regime, as the funds designated for preparedness were either diverted to the military or pocketed by local officials.

Due to this lack of preparedness, governmental control has completely broken down outside of Cise, the capital of Utaristan, and a few other urban areas, and the central government was forced to withdraw most of its forces from the countryside to aid against floods.

Reportedly, Utari and Utaristani-Hustrian communities have begun to organise their self-government across the majority of the territory of the Western Provinces. In Central Utaristan Ciltay communities have also begun to self-organise. Utaristan's minorities, especially the non-Tukaric Hulstrians and Utaris, were never too happy with the modern dominance of the Ashker Yultuz and Minakal people. The Utari are the oldest inhabitants of Utaristan, which takes its name after them, and have always considered the other nations to be oppressive interlopers on their ancestral lands. The Utaristani-Hulstrians are meanwhile remnants of the colonial endeavours of Hulstrian empires and thus are very different from the Tukaric nations or the Utari. While the Ciltay, as Tukaric people, have experienced less pressure to assimilate than the Utari or Hulstrians, they were never really considered Ashkers like the Yultuz or Minakal.

In some major cities in central and central western Utaristan, the communist militias under the Armed Revolutionary Popular Front of Utaristan (ARPFU) have taken control of the government. Always the strongest underground resistance organisation, the ARPFU has only grown stronger after the appointment of Ablet Avutov, even capturing raiding state military outposts in the winter of 5708. Now that the regime of the Administrative Military Committee has utterly failed to help or protect its people, ARPFU steps in, aiding local communities with building temporary barriers, rescue, and other necessities.

The military regime maintains control in areas near the major cities of Cise, Toguz, and Imoryi in Central Utaristan, as well as the urban centres in the Navoyi province and surrounding provinces.

In the very rural Farovon province, a coalition of radical Ahmadi militia have taken over the only major city of Yangiqishloq, the province's capital of Qumtepa is near the Navoyi urban centres and is under the control of the central government. While the Farovon province has been mostly unaffected by the floods, most of the regime's assets there were withdrawn to help in the Navoyi province.

Most rural areas are under no effective control by any faction, as state forces have withdrawn to major cities to consolidate and to aid with flood rescues and assistance.

So far, 300 people are estimated to have died, with many more missing or not reported. The number is likely to drastically increase, as most settlements have to focus on their own survival and cannot help, and the central government has no resources to spare. Utaristan is bitterly grateful that these floods have not happened in the cold Utaristani winter.

Even once the floods are over, the trouble won't be over, as the Avutov regime has proven to be too weak to aid its own people or even to keep the loyalty of regional officials, and it's unlikely the ARPFU or Ahmadi militia will give up their control peacefully. As such, with each passing day, it looks more and more likely that Utaristan will endure a second civil war, just over a century after the first one.

A month ago catastrophic floods ravaged Utaristan. Direct consequences, other than the deaths of hundreds of people, of these floods were the complete collapse of power of the dictatorial military regime. As the military regime, led by the Administrative Military Committee under Ablet Avutov, has completely failed to protect and aid its people, it has lost most of its legitimacy. The forces loyal to the regime were withdrawn to major urban centres to help the flood-affected areas there, leaving most of the rural regions helpless. Instead of the state, the far-left Armed Revolutionary Popular Front of Utaristan (ARPFU) has stepped up, aiding people across Utaristan. In the Western Provinces, ethnic minorities have established self-governments to organise aid on their own, and most Utari and Ciltay settlements have sided with the ARPFU after the floods have subsided.

This has left the country divided among the ARPFU in the west and northwest, the military regime in the Cise and Navoyi provinces, and the coalition of Ahmadi militias in the Farvor province. Many have feared a second civil war, the first one being just over a century ago, but these fears have not materialised. As the ARPFU forces began advancing towards Cise, most of the regime forces had either fled or switched sides. Thus the ARPFU has entered Cise basically unopposed. The whereabouts of the dictator Ablet Avutov are currently unknown, demoralising the remaining regime forces and leading the regional commanders in the Navoyi to capitulate to the ARPFU. Following this lightning victory, ARPFU has begun establishing transitional governance across areas of the country under their control, though some areas still remain under the control of either Hulstrian or Ahmadi militia, as well as the theoretical control of the Navoyi commanders.

In a speech on the Square of Heroes of 5364, now renamed to Revolution Square, the leader of ARPFU, Abenanka Ibraev, has announced the creation of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Utaristan. The new regime has begun by dissolving all institutions of the Republic of Utaristan, including the Administrative Military Committee and the Administrative Party of Utaristan, and even the National Assembly, which has not convened since the start of the regime, and creating transitional ones. The new legislature of the country is the Revolutionary People's Transitional Assembly (RPTA), whose task is to establish order in the country and to create a constitution for the socialist state. As per the Revolutionary People's Transitional Governance Act (RPTGA), the first bill passed by the Assembly, the country's head of state and government is the President of the RPTA, who is appointed by the Assembly. As the first president, the leader of the ARPFU, Abenanka Ibraev, was elected. The RPGTA has also transformed the ARPFU into the Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan (RPPU) and granted it the leading role in the country's political system. The armed wing of the ARPFU has been transformed into new Revolutionary People's Army (RPA), armed forces of the new state.

In the areas controlled by the RPA, the Local Administrative Military Districts are being transformed into Transitional Provinces, and Localities, the smallest subdivision, into Transitional Prefectures, governed by the officials of the RPPU, as per the RPTGA.

It remains to be seen if the new state can manage to survive, but many seem to believe so. From limited coverage on the ground, the popular support for the new regime seems to be very high, hovewer no concrete polling can be done. There are many challenges ahead for Ibraev and her new republic, chiefly rebuilding after the catastrophic floods. Utaristan has also been internationally passive under the AMC regime, so Ibraev will have to pick sides in the new power struggle emerging between the coalitions of powers across Terra. The most obvious choice for the revolutionary republic is the Democratic Republic of Xsampa, the most powerful socialist state in the world and the prime power in Dovani. It is not, however, clear how compatible the participatory Metzism of Xsampa and the vanguard socialism of the RPRU really are.

Despite the fall of the dictatorial regime, staff of journal.news.ut has decided to stay in Ambagašan, Bianjie and wait until the region stabilises and the new government's attitude towards the freedom of the press becomes apparent.

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Following months of intense discussion, the Revolutionary People's Transitional Assembly (RPTA) has passed the Constitution of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Utaristan. The new constitution establishes a structure for the political processes of the state and ends the ongoing transitional state.

According to the new constitution, Utaristan is a revolutionary socialist state under the leadership of the Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan (RPPU), committed to the 'Three Fundamental Ideologies' and the 'Six Revolutionary Goals'. These are defined as:

Three Fundamental Ideologies

1) Socialism
2) Pan-Dovanism
3) Anti-imperialism

Six Socialist Goals

1) A clean and honest state without corruption
2) Equality of nations and religions
3) Strong revolutionary army
4) Economic prosperity
5) Alignment with socialist and Dovani states
6) Plurality of opinions in alignment with the revolution

The constitution declares Utaristan to have a bicameral legislature. 'Revolutionary People's Assembly' is the lower legislature and is elected through a single-candidate approval ballot with prefecture-based electoral districts, counting 330 seats. A single-candidate approval ballot means that the RPPU will supply a candidate for each prefecture, and voters can either approve or disapprove candidates. If the candidate fails to gain over 50%, another one is supplied for a 2nd round or more. Single-candidate approval ballot will also be used for prefects of prefectures and governors of provinces. Prefects and governors then appoint their regional governments in the form of the 'Prefecture Revolutionary People's Council' or 'Province Revolutionary People's Council', respectively. The upper house will be the 'Supereme Revolutionary People's Council' and will be formed from 5 representatives appointed by each of the 11 provincial governments. The constitution also includes the so-called 'Territorial Stabilisation Mechanism'. If a motion to enact the mechanism gains a 2/3rds majority in both chambers, electoral processes and self-government can be temporarily suspended in certain province(s) or prefecture(s), and instead a 'Prefecture Director' or 'Province Director' will be appointed directly by the President. This mechanism is to be used in case of war, insurgency or any other sort of 'counter-revolutionary activity'. The president of Utaristan is the head of state and government and appoints ministers to the Council of Ministers. They are elected by simple majority of each chamber.

The constitution also establishes the 'Revolutionary People's Supreme Court' to be the supreme court of the country. There will also be Prefecture and Province Revolutionary People's Courts established at prefecture and province levels, respectively. Judges are appointed by legislatures at their respective levels.

Parallel to the state structures, there will be the structure of the Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan. At its basic core the party is organised into 'Revolutionary People's Party Cells' in all sectors of society. These cells then elect the 'Prefecture Revolutionary People's Party Committee' and the 'Province Revolutionary People's Party Committee', respectively. The party committees supply candidates for prefecture and province elections, as well as RPA elections. The Province and Prefecture RPPCs send delegates to the 'Revolutionary People's Party General Congress', which will have 341 delegates. The RPP Congress then elects the General Secretary of the party and approves or denies members of the 'Revolutionary People's Party Supreme Committee' proposed by the General Secretary. It also has the power to deny any candidate in any election at any level, including the president and judges. The RPPSC is the main executive organ of the party, and it can override any decision of the RPPGC. It is composed of 15 party members proposed by the General Secretary and approved by the RPPGC.

The RPTA has decided that the complete structure of the state and party will be published in publicly accessible form as 'Overview of the Political and Administrative Structure of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Utaristan and the Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan', published by the Ministry of Information.

While the agreement on the general structure of the state was mostly easy to reach, there were two great debates that emerged in the RPTA. The first dividing issue was the matter of economy. A faction of the RPTA supports the Xsampan model, considered effective but revisionist and almost capitalist. In opposition, some believe that it is preferable to have a centrally planned economic system, despite its downsides. In the end compromise was reached. The Utaristani state will nationalise all private enterprise in the country that is not owned by foreign companies from countries designated as "friendly", meaning Bianjie and Xsampa. Utaristan will implement a centrally planned economy under the guidance of the Ministry of Economy and Reconstruction for a period of 10 years. After these 10 years, Utaristan will begin to establish 'Revolutionary People's Enterprises' in sectors that are not vital to the economy. Similarly to the 'Territorial Stabilisation Mechanism', there will be an 'Economic Stabilisation Mechanism', which, if approved by a simple majority in both legislatures, will put all non-state economic activity in certain province(s) or prefecture(s).

The second great debate was more philosophical and has focused on ideology and foreign policy. The RPTA has split between idealists and pragmatists over the approach to the Dovani Security Organisation (DSO). Through compromise, Utaristan has accepted Xsampan troops on Utaristani soil and assistance from Bianjie and New Verham in order to combat the Ahmadist insurgency in Farovon province. [1] Initially, idealists have opposed any aid from New Verham and Bianjie, and some pragmatists supported allowing troops from Bianjie and New Verham in Utaristan. Following much debate, the RPTA and the Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan have agreed that while the Three Fundamental Ideologies (Socialism, Pan-Dovanism, Anti-imperialism), are all essential to the new state, in some situations Pan-Dovanism and Anti-imperialism can take precedence over Socialism, such as in the matter of cooperation with DSO.

The leader of Utaristan, Transitional President Abenanka Ibraev, has been immediately and unanimously elected as the first president of the revolutionary republic in the first motion under the new constitution, unanimously passed by both legislatures, and as General Secretary of the RPPU by the RPPGC, also in the first motion of the new organ, and also unanimously. The second and third motions were to apply the 'Economic Stabilisation Mechanism' to the entirety of Utaristan for a period of 10 years, as per the compromise, and to apply the Territorial Stabilisation Mechanism to Farovon province in order to effectively combat the Ahmadi insurgency in the province. In the fourth motion, elections were called for all levels of government to be held on September 14th, 5711. All 4 motions were passed unanimously.

Despite this new, proper constitution, the country still faces double. While the remnants of the regime of the Administrative Military Committee either capitulated or fled, the Ahmadist insurgency in Farovon province, led by the 'Ahmadi Coalition for Salvation of Utaristan' (ACSU), continues on. The Utaristani Revolutionary People's Army, in cooperation with the Xsampan forces, has managed to take the city of Yangiqishloq from the Ahmadis; they are far from defeated. Following their dispersal, the ACSU have intensified their activity in the countryside of Farovon, or even the neighbouring Navoyi, committing to low-intensity guerilla warfare. The morale of the Ahmadist forces has been especially strengthened by the call for global jihad against communism coming from Temania. [2]

References:
[1] - Xsampa congratulations revolution in Utaristan; Amidst this, Operation Eastern Deterrence begins as Peacekeepers are sent. | 11. 9. 5710 | Xsampa
[2] - Radical pan-Ahmadist organization issues call for global war against communism | 24. 6. 5710 | Temania

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Communists capture Cise unopposed! Revolutionary socialist republic declared! | 3. 3. 5710

Quote:Leader of the counter-revolutionary and reactionary organisation Ahmadi Coalition for Salvation of Utaristan, Abduweli Kusen, has been captured several hours ago by the brave forces of the Revolutionary People's Army, with the brotherly aid of our Xsampan comrades.

This text has been published on the website of the Ministry of Security and Defence and shared on the social media of the MSD, RPA, and President Abenanka Ibraev. According to a follow-up press release, Kusen was captured in the city of Yangiqishloq, Farovon province, in an ACSU hideout, where he and his allies were planning an attack against the Xsampan garrison in the city. According to Cise, his whereabouts were revealed by the Special Bureau of Counter-Insurgency Intelligence, however, it is likely that Xsampan and Bianjian intelligence agencies played a major part in the operation. Kusen will now face trial by the Revolutionary People's Supreme Court on charges of treason, terrorism, counter-revolutionary activity, collaboration with foreign actors, and several others. Many consider the trial to be just a formality and assume that Kusen will soon face the death penalty.

The ACSU is a fundamentalist Ahmadist coalition of various radical militias. It consists of both Israist and Abadi radicals, as the characteristic aversion of the Utaristani governments in modern history towards religion has forced radicals of the two biggest sects of Ahmadism to cooperate. The Farovon insurgency waged by the ACSU against the RPA and the Xsampan Democratic Army forces deployed to aid the Cise government has raged since 5710, when the Revolutionary People's Republic of Utaristan was proclaimed. According to Cise, 300 soldiers of the RPA have been killed during the 2 years of fighting; however, this figure is unreliable, and the real number is likely much higher, according to some, even reaching 10 000. According to the Xsampan People's Committee of Information, 89 of the 1000 Xsampan soldiers deployed to Utaristan were killed.

Xsampa has sent its soldiers to Utaristan as part of the Operation Eastern Deterrence, a Dovani Security Organisation effort to aid Cise against the insurgents.[1] The other members of DSO, Bianjie and New Verham, have provided only material aid, intelligence, and expertise, as Cise ruled out deployment of troops not belonging to the army of a socialist state. While the Xsampan forces have clashed with the insurgents, they have been mostly stationed as garrisons in Farovon, protecting the settlements and helping distribute Xsampan humanitarian aid.

Despite the capture of their leader, the ACSU has announced it has no intention to negotiate or surrender. Despite these proclamations, there are reports that a power struggle has begun within the fundamentalist coalition, and the frequency of attacks has been noticeably lower.

As the country stabilises, the Cise government announced it will turn most of its resources to economic recovery once all the insurgents are defeated. The Utaristani economy has been in shambles since the catastrophic 5710 floods, and most of the population is reliant on humanitarian aid from Xsampa, Nadiya, and other countries. According to the Ministry of Economy, the government will first pursue finishing the ongoing reconstruction of the areas affected by floods and war. Once the basic reconstruction is complete, it plans to use the planned economy system of Utaristan to quickly restore the infrastructure, mainly railways and ports, built in the 5600s and 5630s so the country becomes economically connected both internally and externally. After that, in 5721, 'socialisation' of the economy will begin with the establishment of the 'Revolutionary People's Enterprises', inspired by the Xsampan model.

While the Utaristani Socialist Market model is inspired by Xsampa, it is different in some regards. While de jure the system might be basically the same, practically the Utaristani government is much more willing to directly intervene. Most of Utaristan's economy is planned to be owned by the RPEs, 100% worker-owned companies based on Xsampa's 'Social Enterprises'. Essential sectors, such as resource extraction, energy, telecommunications, and transport infrastructure, will be owned by the state, with only limited outside investment. The state will also have an essential role in the economy through the 10-year plan, a scheme of investments, quotas, and directives created by the Bureau of Economic Planning, designed to push the economy in a certain direction. The first 10-year plan was adopted in 5711 and is aimed at the immediate reconstruction of devastated areas, restoration of infrastructure, and efficient distribution of aid and resources. It is much more reminiscent of a traditional socialist centrally planned economy, as until 5721 all economics in Utaristan are under the control of the state.

References:
[1] - Xsampa congratulations revolution in Utaristan; Amidst this, Operation Eastern Deterrence begins as Peacekeepers are sent. | 11. 9. 5710 | Xsampa