South Dovani

[Wu Han]

Kob Clenches Re-Election After Runoff Against Unified Opposition Candidate
12 November 5638 (OOC: Post-dated)

➘ President Kob Suchinda

President Kob Suchinda has secured a second eight-year term after winning 53.05% of the vote in the second round of South Dovani’s 5638 presidential election, defeating unified opposition candidate Siranya Dechakul, who received 40.52%. 

Siranya’s campaign was notable for successfully uniting many of the center-left and left-wing opposition parties under a single banner, the "Power to the People" coalition, an approach inspired by the conservative Patriotic Alliance’s own 5630 strategy that united right-wing parties to propel Kob to his historic first-round victory. The New Elephant Worker's Party (NEWP), Justice Party (JP), Green Party (GP), and the Agrarian Solidarity Movement (ASM) agreed to back one candidate in an attempt to prevent a vote-split among progressive parties opposed to Kob and the conservative coalition backing his candidacy. 

The strategy worked well enough to push the election to a second round, with Siranya winning 38.7% in the first round compared to Kob’s 46.0%. While Siryana's progressive platform appealed to younger and professional-class voters in urban hubs, Kob was far more successful in expanding his support across multiple voter blocs, particularly in the southern and eastern provinces. In the end, Kob won by a margin wider than expected, as many analysts predicted a much closer second-round finish after an unexpectedly competitive first-round. Voters who backed minor candidates that had been eliminated on the first ballot, including Anantaya Suthammarak, joint candidate of the liberal Civic Alliance (CA), United Communities Party (UCP), and Forest Protection Party (FPP), and Arthit Phongpanich, candidate of the traditional left-wing Revolutionary Alliance (RA) and Progressive People's Union (PPU) were expected to largely back Siranya in the second-round, only to shift decisively to Kob. 

Kob’s campaign echoed many of the themes of Prime Minister Prasert Thanomchai's successful 5637 electoral campaign, characterizing himself as the "tough on crime and terror" candidate versus his "soft" left-leaning opponent. By contrast, Siryana, a law professor and humanitarian aid expert, focused her campaign on democratic reforms, social welfare expansion, and rolling back security measures introduced during Suchinda’s term through a negotiated settlement to the Eastern crisis. 

Speaking to her supporters through tears on election night, Siryana conceded the election while noting that her campaign offered a hopeful example to South Dovani's opposition parties, which have faced rapidly dwindling support in recent elections. 

“We built a coalition of hope,” Siranya said in her remarks. “This campaign proved that South Dovani’s future can still be written by common people, so long as our people stand united.”

Kob, by contrast, delivered a short but triumphant address to a small group of supporters and journalists gathered outside his campaign headquarters in Udon Nakhon, wherein he thanked voters for trusting in him to "get the job done." Kob urged the government to send him bills to sign into law "as soon as tomorrow," which target violent armed groups, drug traffickers, and criminal elements and which provide for punishments which mirror "the severity and mercilessness of their criminal actions."

“Tonight, South Dovani chose strength,” Kob declared. “Leftist promises to resolve the conflict through concessions and appeasement have led us to this moment, and it is only through decisive strength that we will finally bring the terrorists to kneel, providing justice for the victims of their violence, and protecting our nation for future generations.”

HANSAI RATH (ฮันไซรัฐ; lit. "Hansai State") is a daily broadsheet newspaper and media company headquartered in Udon Nakhon, South Dovani. It is the longest-running national publication. 
The newspaper has historically been tied to the Hanzenese monarchy and generally adheres to a conservative political stance. 

@HansaiRath
#SouthDovani

[Wu Han]

Hanzai Nationalist Militias Deploy to Suman Province Amid SLF Remobilization
20 June 5640 (OOC: Post-dated.)



Na Sap — In the tense days following the Rocket Festival massacre that killed 31 people, including much of the Sumanese Liberation Front’s (SLF) senior leadership, convoys of armed civilians have begun arriving across Suman Province, claiming they are there to “protect Hanzenese citizens” from what they call a “resurgence of terroristic, anti-Hanzai groups.”

The deployments involve fighters affiliated with several hardline nationalist groups, including the National Defence Corps (NDC) and Hanzai Rangers. Local residents in Na Sap, Taeng Daeng, and outlying districts report sightings of pickup trucks and motorcycles flying the flags of nationalist groups, as well as the historical flag of the Kingdom of Hanzen, carrying masked armed men. Some residents have reported that these groups are establishing informal checkpoints along rural roads, where armed militia members reportedly stop and question travellers about their place of birth, family names, and “loyalty to the Hanzenese nation.”

Speaking at a rally in the suburbs of Udon Nakhon, the Hanzai Ranger Commander known by the nom de guerre Chao Yot insisted that the group's presence was strictly defensive:

"After the SLF terrorists vowed to take up arms against the state once again, we could not stand by while communities in Suman are left exposed to their nefarious tricks. We will help the police and military hold the line and keep our people safe from terror." 

The SLF, which had largely demobilized after negotiations with President Surasak Darawan in 5576, declared it would “rearm and remobilize for the defence of the Sumanese people” mere hours after unknown gunmen, identified by witnesses as wearing UPM insignia, opened fire on its leadership at the Bun Bang Fai Festival (Rocket Festival) outside Na Sap. The UPM has not claimed responsibility as of yet, though the National Police have publicly concluded their investigation and laid blame for the attacks on the UPM.

Armed right-wing, nationalist groups have long had a complicated relationship with the SLF. Whereas these groups agree on the goal of restoring the Hanzenese monarchy and fighting against left-wing paramilitary organizations, such as the UPM and People's Liberation Front (PLF), Hanzai nationalists have long rejected the distinction between the Hanzai and Sumanese ethnic groups. According to their arguments, the Sumanese people are "Mountain Hanzai," a regional variant of the larger Hanzai ethnicity, rather than a distinct group of their own.

Analysts say the militias’ rejection of the Sumanese identity is uniquely dangerous in this moment of crisis:

“If a group denies your very existence as a people, then any use of force against you becomes easier to justify,” said Dr. Patham Phraewchai, a conflict researcher at Khattaya University. “This rhetoric lays the foundation for ethnic cleansing, if all Sumanese are simply Hanzai misled by, or loyal to, foreign separatist terror groups – to use their language.”

Prime Minister Prasert Thanomchai (UCF), who vowed to “eliminate the UPM terrorists once and for all” in the massacre’s aftermath, now faces criticism for failing to stem the influx of Hanzai militias into the province despite the ongoing state of emergency. Justice Party (JP) leader Thaksin Luang criticized the government on the floor of the National Assembly today, asking why "peaceful Sumanese protesters have been dispersed and sent home by the military and police, yet armed militias have not been prevented from entering the Suman Province."

Government officials deny coordinating with the militias, but several senior security figures privately acknowledge that the presence of “loyalist civilian auxiliaries” is “not unwelcome,” given increased instability in the wake of the 14 June attack and rearmament of the SLF. 



Hanzen Daily is a major newspaper and online news outlet in South Dovani.

@HanzenDaily
#SouthDovani

[Wu Han]

Commuter Robberies Shake Urban Residents as Crime Rises Nationwide

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12 November 5640

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For the hundreds of thousands of urban commuters across South Dovani, the daily trip to and from work has become an anxiety-inducing ordeal. While commuters may have come to accept the risk of the occasional petty theft, a new brutal and fast-moving system of transit muggings has evolved, in which gangs board crowded buses, strip passengers of their belongings, and vanish long before police arrive.

Criminals board buses posing as ordinary passengers, waiting for the vehicle to enter a dark or isolated stretch of road. Footage and reports from several incidents reveals a consistent pattern: First, a robber confronts the driver, threatening them with a knife or firearm, and instructing them to continue driving. Then, two or three accomplices move down the aisle, terrorizing passengers, demanding phones, jewelry, wallets, and bags. Passengers are warned not to hide possessions, pretend to be asleep, or call for help; those who are accused of doing so have been assaulted, including reports of sexual violence. 

In a widely circulated CCTV video from September 5640, a masked gunman fires a warning shot into the bus floor before barking orders. His two accomplices, who appear to be in their late teens, fill a backpack with valuables while terrified passengers freeze in their seats. The entire ordeal lasts less than seven minutes. Once finished, the gang instructs the driver to stop, where additional accomplices arrive on motorcycles to whisk the gang away.

The National Police Service (NPS) insists they are acting, and the Minister of the Interior has launched a campaign consisting of high-visibility patrols and expanded CCTV coverage, pledging to install high-definition cameras on every bus operated in the country by the end of the year. Moreover, undercover officers now ride vulnerable bus lines, hoping to catch robbery crews in the act. However, these measures come as the NPS faces mounting pressure from labour unions representing both bus drivers and the workers who rely on public transport to reach their jobs.

The National Transit Workers’ Federation (NTWF), representing bus drivers and transit conductors, has staged protests outside NPS offices in urban centres across the nation. The NTWF has threatened a coordinated refusal to operate after dusk, a move that would have a massive impact on the economy of multiple cities, particularly as it relates to the tourism sector. The Federation of Industrial Labourers (FIL), one of the nation's largest labour unions representing factory workers, retail staff, cleaners, and other low-wage commuters, has also denounced police inaction, issuing statements characterizing the transit robberies as a workplace safety crisis. Workers, often migrants from rural communities, travelling to early-morning or late-night shifts are uniquely vulnerable. At a recent rally, FIL leaders accused the government of allowing criminals to “tax the working class by force.” In addition, drivers on certain routes claim that corrupt police officers demand “priority fees” to guarantee quick arrivals when panic calls come in. The NPS denies such allegations, but the unions claim this practice is “an open secret.”

Both the NTWF and FIL have formed a joint task force, consolidating their shared demands for an increased police presence on high-risk routes, the installation of panic buttons linked to rapid response teams of the NPS, compensation for passengers robbed or injured during these incidents, legal protection for drivers who refuse unsafe routes as well as increased wages for drivers who operate such routes.

As the National Police Service (NPS) struggles to confront the crisis, some commuters have begun resorting to violence of their own.  In early October 5640, passengers in the outskirts of Khattaya fought back against a trio of muggers. In the ensuing scuffle, one robber accidentally shot his own accomplice, while the third was beaten nearly to death by enraged commuters before police arrived and intervened. More recently, vigilante groups associated with right-wing nationalist militias such as the Hanzai Rangers, as well as young men from Muay Hanzai training clubs, have begun patrolling transit hubs and escorting transit routes deemed at risk of such crime. These developments have sparked a debate among the public over the rise of vigilantism. While some praise the initiative of citizens to defend themselves from crime, others raise concern over the risk for bloodshed, particularly following the intervention of right-wing paramilitaries. The Hanzai Rangers have been a topic of considerable public debate in recent months, following their deployment to the Eastern provinces in June as a response to the remobilization of the Sumanese Liberation Front (SLF).
 
The emergence of these bus robberies comes amidst a backdrop of rising crime across the nation. Violent crime in 5640 was at its highest level since the 5560s, while triads and other criminal groups, including the Unified People's Militia (UPM), exploit the security situation in the Eastern provinces to profit from the trafficking of drugs, gems, and human beings. The Southern border with Kimlien has also seen a rise in cross-border crime and smuggling, with Ðinh gangs from Kimlien coordinating, and at times fighting, with triads and local gangs operating out of South Dovani. In Udon Nakhon’s Little Tian’an district, Yingdalan Hanzai businesses report increasing extortion by triads, including arson attacks for unpaid “protection fees” to the Wu Mian Hui and Tian Long Tong. As a result, the government of Prime Minister Prasert Thanomchai has faced widespread public backlash, particularly as it came to power campaigning on law-and-order promises.

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The Udon Nakhon Post is a Luthorian-language daily newspaper published in Udon Nakhon, South Dovani. It is among the oldest newspapers in continuous publication in South Dovani, and is considered a newspaper of record for the country. 

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[Wu Han]

Fists of Fury: The Many Dimensions of Muay Hanzai

Muay Hanzai is South Dovani's favourite sport and national pastime. Beneath the spectacle, however, exists an undercurrent of ultranationalism, organized crime, and child exploitation.

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January 5641

By Papao Chutimant

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It is no exaggeration to state that Muay Hanzai is a national obsession. In a country which reveres its traditions and ancestors, every fighter moves according to an ancient rhythm, descended from a lineage of fighters before them. Whereas international styles of boxing typically focus on the fists, Muay Hanzai seeks to transform every limb into a devastating and potentially lethal weapon, for which it was termed the Eight Limb Art by ancient Yingdalan scholars. Most notably, this includes the use of elbows and knees, which are banned in boxing rings throughout the world. Muay Hanzai blends form and ferocity with Daenist ritual and a steadfast code of honour. Or so the common historiography would suggest.

Each year, young hopefuls leave the fields and factories determined to become the next great fighter, and in so doing, bring honour to their families and communities. For poor rural farmers and the urban working class, Muay Hanzai may be the only way to escape poverty. The most talented young amateur fighters can earn within one night what their parents may earn in a year. 

Every morning, Sompong and his fellow trainees run 10 kilometres around the ruins of the ancient Hanzenese capital city of Ayotharam. For thousands of years, Hanzenese soldiers and warriors have trained in the art of hand-to-hand combat within the very palace walls that line Sompong's route. Like the warriors before him, Sompong follows an extremely disciplined exercise routine and diet, all before heading to school. At just 14 years old, Sompong is his family's breadwinner; what he earns in the ring provides all the necessary funds to send himself and his five siblings to school, to pay off his parents' debts, and to put food on the table.

It is estimated that roughly 260,000 minors practice Muay Hanzai in South Dovani, many beginning as young as 5 years old. Child boxing in South Dovani has often attracted the ire of the domestic and international human rights community, but efforts to regulate the practice have routinely failed to materialize. 

For Sompong's parents, training their sons to be Muay Hanzai boxers is not only profitable, but it serves as an alternative to drugs and the ill-gotten gains of gangsterism and criminality, in a rural community where opportunities and prosperity are limited. 

"In our neighbourhood alone, I know of at least 4 sons who have died from heroin," claims Sompong's mother. "Muay Hanzai keeps the boys busy with training, keeping their bodies healthy; they don't have time to get involved with the gangs, the triads, or with their poison." 

Despite the claims of Sompong's mother, however, criminality has found its way into Muay Hanzai, as boxing matches are one of the very few places where gambling is allowed in South Dovani. A polished system of hand signs communicates to a bookmaker the bets and their amounts, in a loud and frenzied atmosphere reminiscent of a stock market trading floor. Some bet their pocket change, others their life savings, but many gamblers act as intermediaries, handling bets from outside the ring via their cellphones and laptops. More recently, online gambling platforms, typically operating out of Dalibor City, offer international gamblers the ability to gamble on fights from local/temple levels to the national level. Some deal in traditional fiat currency, others in cryptocurrency.

▲ Left to right: a child boxer recovers from a fight; gamblers signal their wagers 

Waiting in the wings are loan sharks preying on desperate gamblers, many of whom are associated with triads such as the Tian Long Tong, the White Tigers, and the Wu Mian Hui, depending on which group controls which arena. Organized criminals are also involved in sponsoring young fighters who are, in turn, expected to be loyal to their patrons for the entirety of their fighting career; those who are injured or otherwise unable to continue fighting are often expected to repay their patrons at highly extortionate rates. In one incident which garnered nationwide outcry, a child who had suffered a permanent brain injury at age 9 inside a Muay Hanzai ring, rendering him paralyzed, was executed by his father, who subsequently killed his wife before committing suicide. It was reported that the family had been harassed for months over unpaid debts to a triad-affiliated Muay Hanzai gym for the training of their son.

While elaborate ritual and prayers accompany the beginning of each Muay Hanzai match, as a sport with its origins in folk fighting styles and practiced by everyday villagers of Hanzen, Muay Hanzai is often less about expressing spirituality and more about learning how to be a practical, effective, and dominant fighter. Nevertheless, within the most highly respected schools, such as the one which Sompong attends, honour and the warrior's code are core to the philosophical and spiritual underpinnings of the sport. These training clubs and gyms are connected to martial arts lineages spanning hundreds, if not thousands of years, and are often owned and operated by retired military officers. 

In Sompong's gym, each training day begins with meditation and offering prayers to a prominently displayed portrait of King Khemkhaeng. A banner hoisted above the training mat reads,"Training our bodies to defend the Nation, the Religion, and the King." Pennant banners bearing the colours of the historical Kingdom of Hanzen hang from end to end across the length and width of the gym. 

Despite the fact that South Dovani has been a republic for nearly two centuries, thousands of years of monarchical nationalism are deeply embedded in the practice of Muay Hanzai, which was developed and standardized as a modern sport by Khemkhaeng in the 4700s, though patronized by Kings before him for thousands of years prior. It was through the association with the monarchy that Muay Hanzai was elevated from a bloodsport of farmers and the urban poor, to a venerated martial art practiced by royalty and elite soldiers of the Kingdom of Hanzen.

"The communists attempted to destroy our culture, our traditions, and our Kingdom," said Sompong's coach, retired Army colonel Sarawong Sriwarunyu, "but Muay Hanzai remained, because the people love it, and its values are inherent to what it means to be a virtuous Hanzai man." 

While the Lotus Plan (the official name for the failed cultural mandates issued by communist-era dictator Wasana Chaiyawan) purged universities, religious orders, civil service agencies, the military and the education system of people who held, or were alleged to hold, traditionalist or monarchist sympathies, it was never able to encroach on Muay Hanzai, given its immense popularity as a pastime among the public. As such, Muay Hanzai gyms and clubs remained a refuge and organizing space for nationalist groups and Hanzenese who sought a return to the traditional monarchial form of governance that had governed South Dovani since time immemorial. 

In recent years, reports have emerged that Hanzai nationalist militias, such as the Hanzai Rangers, and other ultranationalist groups have begun training and organizing in Muay Hanzai gyms across the nation in high numbers once again, raising fears among some liberals and progressives that the right-wing is preparing for a revolution similar to the Scarlet Rose Revolution which transformed South Dovani into a republic. 

"Muay Hanzai training operates on two levels – as a propaganda tool and as preparation for armed conflict," explains Tamarine Amornchantanakorn, professor of Gender Studies and Political Science at Khattaya University. "Other martial arts require elements of simulation in matches, whereas Muay Hanzai permits a whole range of kicking, punching, and body blows which are prohibited in most combat sports; it is about as close to the reality of ‘real-world’ hand-to-hand combat as it is possible to get in sport. As such, anti-system groups find it to be useful in preparing for confrontation with the system." 

There is no doubt that Muay Hanzai is a brutal combat sport with little by way of separation between performance and reality, often resulting in devastating injuries. As Sompong prepares for one of the toughest fights of his young career, he remains clear-eyed yet upbeat about the risks, perhaps in an effort to mask the anxiety of competing in a match in which his entire village has made massive wagers, all depending on his success. 

"I could come out a cripple, but so could he!" joked Sompong. "I've seen it happen before – a kid takes a kick to the head and can't walk again. But I'm not scared, I've been trained better."

Tonight, Sompong is facing a 15-year-old boy from a neighbouring village, their match-up a continuation of a centuries-long sporting rivalry between the communities. His coach, Sarawong, seems a bit more concerned than Sompong, though his eyes stay fixed on the current fight: a match-up between two eight-year-old fighters. 

For half a minute, the two young boys drift cautiously around the faded blue mat, trading light taps – a probing kick here, a testing jab there – as they measure each other up. Suddenly, one of the boys bursts forward. He throws a quick punch, misses with the next, and crashes into a clinch. They stagger across the ring locked together, twisting and battling desperately for the space to fire knees into each other’s ribs. In the neutral corner, gamblers shout and throw hand signals with increasingly frenetic energy until a well-timed strike from one of the boys ends the fight in a knock-out. The crowd roars as the defeated child boxer's limp body is carried away by his coach, pouring ice water on him, massaging his body, and stretching his arms just off the mat until he stands on his own once again.

▲ Left to right: two 9-year-old boxers fight; Sompong is prepared for his match by his coach Sarawong

The matches continue without pause, and next to the mat are Sompong and his opponent, Jarunsuk. Both perform the pre-fight rituals before the bell rings. They trade quick jabs and snappy kicks, both eager to prove something but careful not to rush. Then Jarunsuk presses forward, swinging a looping punch that clips Sompong just above the brow. A thin line of red starts to drip, but the 14-year-old barely pauses. Instead, Sompong counters with a burst of energy, sliding inside and dragging the fight into a tight clinch. Knees crash into ribs, arms strain for control, and the younger fighter refuses to give ground despite the blood trickling down his face. He lands a clean knee, then another, forcing the older boy to stumble back.

The crowd surges with noise as the final seconds tick down. When the bell ends the round, Jarunsak looks shaken while Sompong, face bloodied but eyes focused, raises his gloves. The judges don’t take long and Sompong is declared the winner. He is the pride of his community, and their roaring cheers let him know. He is whisked to the locker room by his coach, who cannot contain his joy behind his ordinarily stoic demeanour. He reveals that he bet nearly $6,000 on the match. 

I ask Sompong how he is feeling. He smiles, blood from his brow running into his mouth, tinting his teeth red: "I'm proud to be Hanzai, to be a boxer, and to earn money for my mum."

ขอบฟ้า (Khob Faa; "Horizons") is a Hanzenese monthly magazine featuring long-form journalism, commentary, critique, and essays. It is widely respected as being among the highest quality mass publications in the country. The magazine's readership generally holds liberal or progressive views, and is largely urban and college-educated.

[Wu Han]

OUR VALUES ARE UNDER ATTACK

February 5641

The Election Mandate Was Clear: Crush the Enemy Without Hesitation
By Darin Supachai, retired Army Captain, Homeland Party Assemblyman, Yutthathong contributor

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In 5637, and again in 5638, the people voted for an end to the national humiliation inflicted by the UPM, separatist terror, triads and cross-border smugglers, as well as the weak left-wing governance that allowed these sores to fester. Yet, nearly four years have passed since the 5637 election, and it has become painfully obvious that Prime Minister Prasert Thanomchai and President Kob have not understood the mandate they were given. Or worse, they were insincere in their promises to the people.

Yes, the right achieved its greatest victory in the history of the "republic." Yes, the Left was annihilated so thoroughly that commie PM Chandra Srirai’s political career now lies beneath the rubble of her own cowardice and callous hatred of the very people whom she sought to lead. But victory means nothing if the government refuses to act with the same resolve its voters demanded. The people did not vote for another five years of strong-sounding statements, symbolic deployments, and the endless bureaucratic barriers that defined Prasert’s fragile minority coalition prior to 5637. They voted for a reckoning, and they have not received one.

The Eastern Provinces burn. Commuters are mugged on their buses by gangs who move faster than the police. UPM cells continue to terrorize law-abiding citizens from the bases deep in the jungles. The treasonous Kohsoomi-aligned SLF has declared war on the state. Triad enforcers still intimidate entrepreneurs and small businesses. 

The rise of the Homeland Party and Strong Nation Party was not merely part of a broader shift to the right in Hanzen's political realignment. Instead, it was a warning that the UCF’s brand of cautious, careful conservatism is no longer enough. Anawin Jantarapong’s meteoric surge came from voters desperate for a leader who actually believes in order, not just the performance of order. General Baroma's SNP exposed the limits of Prasert’s courage: Baroma promised obliteration, Prasert pledges dialogue.

The terrorists, criminals, and Kohsoomi separatists understand only force. The voters understand this. The armed citizen organizations understand this. Only Prasert and Kob seem unable, or unwilling, to learn it. Every day without sweeping action is another day of weeping mothers, mourning their children. Another day in which the UPM grows stronger and the gangs grow bolder.

Editorial: Muay Hanzai Gives Our People Strength
By the Editorial Board of Yutthathong

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A recent article published by the left-wing rag Horizons magazine has attempted to frame one of Hanzen’s greatest cultural treasures, the martial art of Muay Hanzai, as a moral failing. However, beneath the veneer of concern for child welfare lies the same globalist, communist agenda that has plagued Hanzen for nearly two centuries: to denigrate our traditions and weaken the eternal warrior spirit of the Hanzai people.

The only so-called expert Horizons consults for their propaganda hit-piece is Tamarine Amornchantanakorn, a radical “gender studies” professor from the hotbed of cultural Metzism in modern Hanzen, Khattaya University. But she cannot speak on that which she cannot understand. Muay Hanzai is not a “sport” in the banal sense understood by cosmopolitan liberals or foreign observers. Rather, it is a core civilizational institution, the crucible through which young Hanzai boys are forged into men of discipline, courage, and loyalty. Every strike and kick represents the multigenerational knowledge and skills which Hanzai warriors have developed for thousands of years to defend their Families, their People, and their Kingdom. The Left wants you to believe that our youth are endangered by their own traditions. They want to take our pride and turn it into shame, our courage into fear, and to transform our heritage into something “criminal.” 

Notice the pattern: the author selectively highlights gambling, organized crime, and rare accidents, then insinuates that Muay Hanzai itself is corrupt. The truth is the opposite: Muay Hanzai is pure, and its practice keeps our children safe from drugs, gangs, and foreign criminal influence. That external parasites – triad gangs, gamblers, foreign capital – have descended upon Muay Hanzai only strengthens the argument for more patriots, young and old, to practice the art, for our civilization’s future depends on strong men of conviction, capable of excising these cancers from our society once and for all.

In attacking Muay Hanzai, the Left reveals its true agenda. That is, the destruction of the natural hierarchy of strength, and the alienation of the young from the sacred duty of defending the homeland through the art that has protected Hanzai sovereignty for thousands of years. Let us never forget that we are the Brave Zai, the Han Zai; the boys who train, who sweat, who fight, are the vanguard of Hanzai rebirth, the living instruments through which the nation’s destiny will be fulfilled.

Boys who rise before dawn to run the same ancient paths taken by soldiers of the Kingdom of Hanzen.
Boys who carry strength in their bones, clarity in their purpose, and pride in their heritage.
Boys who understand that history does not reward the meek. They are the ones who will inherit the ashes of this republic.
And they shall be the men who will decide what rises from them.

Horizon Magazine Will Be Remembered Only as an Enemy of Our People in the Ashes of the Republic!

Yutthathong (ยุทธธง; "War Banner") is an ultranationalist, monarchist, and militant news outlet operating in South Dovani. It is loosely affiliated with the Hanzai nationalist militia movement.

[Wu Han]

UPM Escalates Violence With Wave of Bombings, Attacks on Military Outposts
20 November 5641 (OOC: Post-dated)

➘ All that remains of a car bomb, detonated outside the National Police Force office in Khem Sam, Suman Province

The Unified People’s Militia (UPM) has dramatically escalated its campaign of violence across eastern South Dovani, launching a coordinated wave of bombings, ambushes, and armed assaults on military outposts and police stations near the Yerrawa border. The offensive, unprecedented in recent decades, began late Sunday night and has already killed at least 24 people, including soldiers, police, and civilians, according to preliminary reports.

Security analysts say the UPM appears to be targeting lightly defended positions rather than confronting the army head-on. Fighters are operating in small units of 15 to 30, striking simultaneously across multiple districts before disappearing into jungle cover or briefly crossing into Yerrawa. In response, the National People's Army (NPA) has often abandoned small, isolated rural outposts in favour of larger, more defensible positions, leaving gaps that are frequently filled by Hanzai Rangers, who have exchanged fire with UPM militants.

The escalation follows a government counter-insurgency campaign targeting UPM jungle bases near the Yerrawa border. The operation, titled Operation Iron Viper, began late last month with air raids and unmanned reconnaissance patrols aimed at locating UPM camps reportedly hidden in ravines and along unmonitored smuggling trails. Analysts describe the area as among the most inhospitable, and thus, strategically valuable terrain in the region, with dense jungle, mountainous terrain, and a porous, poorly controlled border with Pha’ka Prefecture in Yerrawa, itself a hotspot for insurgent groups and transnational criminal smuggling networks.

So far, the NPA has suffered unexpectedly heavy losses to achieve only a few territorial gains and strategic victories, raising concerns that the conflict is entering a more violent and unpredictable phase. Military sources report at least 18 soldiers killed and more than 40 wounded, marking the deadliest period of combat in eastern South Dovani since the 5560s. Among the military command, however, morale was raised markedly last week when a National People's Air Force assault on a UPM camp near Ban Nong Pheng in Suman Province killed UPM second-in-command Thanawat Vejjaraksa, alongside dozens of UPM fighters.

Fighting has not been confined to government-UPM clashes. Since the 5640 Na Sap Rocket Festival attack, the Sumanese Liberation Front (SLF) and UPM have intensified hostilities, though the SLF’s operational capacity has been severely limited by the loss of its leadership and internal disputes over strategy. Last week, a UPM assault on a Sumanese village known to be a hub of SLF organizing left 11 civilians and 6 SLF militants dead. The SLF responded with an assault, the first such offensive action from the SLF since the 5560s, on a jungle UPM base north of Ban Xang Khong village, overrunning UPM forces and forcing them to scatter into the jungle.

Hanzai nationalist militias, including the Hanzai Rangers and the National Defence Corps (NDC), have further constrained SLF operations. Both groups have increased their presence in Sumanese-majority districts, establishing checkpoints, patrols, and occupying abandoned NPA outposts. Locals report frequent street-level clashes between militia members and SLF-aligned civilians or militants, often brawls, and occasionally the exchange of small-arms fire, though nothing at the scale of violence between the SLF and UPM. Nevertheless, SLF units have retreated deeper into jungle hideouts as a result, where they face threats from UPM ambushes as well as targeted operations by government and militia forces.

HANSAI RATH (ฮันไซรัฐ; lit. "Hansai State") is a daily broadsheet newspaper and media company headquartered in Udon Nakhon, South Dovani. It is the longest-running national publication. 
The newspaper has historically been tied to the Hanzenese monarchy and generally adheres to a conservative political stance. 

@HansaiRath
#SouthDovani

[Wu Han]

PM Prasert Rushed to Hospital Following Stroke
The Prime Minister has suffered a "slight cardiovascular hiccup," according to aides, reigniting debate around the elderly statesman's health
10 June 5642 (OOC: Post-dated)

Udon Nakhon – Prime Minister Prasert Thanomchai (UCF) has been rushed to Khemkhaeng University Hospital following a stroke and fall earlier this morning, according to a statement from the prime minister's office. Prime Minister Prasert is reportedly doing well and is unlikely to require much time to recover, following what his office describes as a "slight cardiovascular hiccup," noting that "his heart continues to beat strong and hard for the people of South Dovani." 

Questions surrounding the Prime Minister's physical fitness have continued to swirl for years in South Dovani, following hospitalizations in 5635 and 5638 for serious respiratory infections. Undoubtedly, this latest episode will reignite debate over Prasert's ability to manage and lead the government during a time of compounding security, economic, and social crises. 

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The Khattaya Post (คัทยาโพสต์) is a major newspaper and online media company headquartered in the city of Khattaya, South Dovani. 
The paper is owned and published by the Khattaya Post Company. It is generally politically moderate, but economically liberal.

khattayapost.com

[Wu Han]

President Kob Signs Law Authorizing Death Penalty for Drug Trafficking

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18 August 5642

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President Kob Suchinda has signed into law sweeping legislation that allows for the death penalty to be applied to those convicted of drug trafficking and related offences. The move, long backed by hardline politicians, and championed by Kob himself on the night of his successful re-election in 5638, comes amid a sharp surge in crime, including drug-related crimes, and mounting concern over the role of criminal networks in financing insurgent groups like the Unified People’s Militia (UPM) in eastern South Dovani.

The law, passed by the National Assembly with a large majority, authorizes prosecutors to seek the death penalty for individuals involved in the manufacture, distribution, or smuggling of narcotics, including methamphetamines and precursor chemicals. The same penalty applies to the production and trafficking of opiates, though the legislation includes an exemption for farmers and smallholders cultivating opium poppies, who still face a lesser penalty unless found to be cultivating poppies under coercion. 

The law also sets targets for provincial arrests and seizures, providing bonuses for government officials who achieve these targets,  with expanded legal immunity for National Police Force officers and officials in "eradicating" dealers. President Kob set the ambitious national target of eliminating the use of and trade in methamphetamine within a year. President Kob also signed into law a secondary bill authorizing increased funding for public education, youth sports (in particular, football and Muay Hanzai), and promoting peer pressure against drug use, which the President described as the "soft side of the state's total war on drugs." 

Speaking shortly after signing the law at a televised event in the Presidential Residence, President Kob framed the law as part of a broader campaign to restore security and order:

"If drug dealers want to live, they must get off that path immediately... for if thousands of criminals must die to restore peace and order for millions of the Hanzenese people, so be it. Human rights are secondary to human lives."

The law is expected to have an immediate impact in regions where drug trafficking overlaps with insurgent activity. Analysts note that groups such as the UPM, which rely heavily on the proceeds from narcotics and gem smuggling to fund their guerrilla operations, could face significant disruption. However, experts warn that law enforcement in eastern border regions has been a difficult issue which South Dovani's government has struggled with for over a century, and this law does little to change that reality on the ground.

Human rights organizations and opposition parties have criticized the legislation for its severity and scope. Justice Party (JP) leader Thaksin Luang called the law “a dangerous step that risks normalizing extrajudicial measures, and targets the poor and those struggling with substance dependencies.” Advocacy groups have also raised concerns about due process and the risk of wrongful convictions or extrajudicial violence, given the expanded immunities granted to the National Police Force, and especially in rural areas where legal oversight is limited.

Nevertheless, conservative parties and segments of the public have celebrated the move as a decisive step against the rising nationwide tide of crime. The Hanzai Rangers and National Defence Corps (NDC)vhave pledged to support government enforcement operations, particularly in eastern provinces and Sumanese-majority locales where traffickers and insurgents have historically operated, given their location along the Sapphire Trail, which links drug-producing regions in Mina, Yerrawa, South Dovani, and Kimlien.

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The Udon Nakhon Post is a Luthorian-language daily newspaper published in Udon Nakhon, South Dovani. It is among the oldest newspapers in continuous publication in South Dovani, and is considered a newspaper of record for the country. 

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[Wu Han]

Prasert’s Return Undercut by Visible Frailty
8 September 5642

Udon Nakhon – Prime Minister Prasert Thanomchai (UCF), made his first public appearance in nearly three months following a hospitalization for what his office described as a "slight cardiovascular hiccup," attempting to project strength and stability to the nation. With the next general election over a year away, the event was clearly designed to reassure the public that the 84-year-old leader remains firmly in charge and fit to lead. However, the Prime Minister's return to the public eye was undercut by clear physical difficulties and an unusual, rambling address that further amplified public concern over his health.

Addressing supporters at a newly modernized industrial park in the city of Rattanakhon, the Prime Minister struggled to mask the lingering effects of his medical episode, walking very slowly during the tour, and only when assisted by two or more aides. When greeted by local businessman Chompoo Ratana, who inquired about his health, Prasert muttered: "body strong [...] brain good."

A previously scheduled 10-minute speech to be delivered by Prime Minister Prasert was canceled by his staff without notice, with Prasert instead delivering a brief address lasting only two and a half minutes before his prompt departure. Nevertheless, the Prime Minister's comments quickly devolved into a series of strained, slurred declarations that confused and unsettled observers, drawing comparisons to the disastrous debate performance of President Pichai Woraphon in 5630.

"I just toured the factory, very big [indecipherable] and my sister – my friend – the President and I are in full agreement" said PM Prasert, "As a soldier, I’ve spent a lot of time with strong men, very strong men. They smell [...] they smell of success. And this room, this room smells good."

"I've more than – I tell you – I've seen more places than [...] you can shake my stick at," the prime minister continued. "When it comes to all that, we're not talking about past water, but future rain! Sometimes you have need rain to wash away – to bring things to the – and that's what they call dancing in the rain. That's why it's so nice to be at the umbrella factory." The industrial park does not produce umbrellas.

The public display of physical difficulty and incoherent speech, after a prolonged three-month silence, reinforced the very questions his party was trying to dispel. Instead of a commanding return, the event became a clear, unsettling exhibition of the challenges now facing the elderly leader of South Dovani's government. Nevertheless, recent polling suggests that Prasert's government remains broadly popular, particularly following a number of tough-on-crime legislative victories, including the recent authorization of the death penalty for drug traffickers.

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Sue Pracha (สื่อประชา; People's Media) is South Dovani's leading progressive daily newspaper.

[Wu Han]

A SOLDIER MARCHES ON!

PM PRASERT WALKS STRONG AND UNASSISTED IN NEW VIDEO

2 October 5642 – Last month, the libellous liberal newspaper Sue Pracha put out a hit piece on Prime Minister Prasert Thanomchai, who continues to make a steady recovery after experiencing a minor, momentary circulation issue. Contrary to the wishes of those who hate him, and the tough-on-crime coalition he represents, Prime Minister Prasert remains as strong as he has ever been, as evidenced by a newly obtained video, filmed at his private residence, which shows him walking with firm and steady steps, completely unassisted.

"A soldier may stumble, but he always marches on," said one aide close to the Prime Minister. "A man with as strong a military background as the Prime Minister isn't going to let anything get in his way so long as he continues to breathe!"

Indeed, it appears that reports that Prime Minister Prasert had become weak and frail represent only the hopeful machinations of a left-wing media dead-set on discrediting the successes of his government. Luckily, recent polling seems to suggest that the people of South Dovani haven't been fooled by the rampant journalistic malpractice of late, with the Prime Minister likely to enjoy a strong mandate in the upcoming 5643 general election.

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The National News Center (ศูนย์ข่าวชาติ) is a conservative online media outlet.

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