11-01-2025, 06:55 PM
Denouncing the PCI and global imperialists
16th of April 5599 - Auro Casella
One cannot believe that such an influential communist magazine, the very one I am writing in, ceased to publish new entries in over 30 years, with the death of Auro Casella and the disappearance of Federica Carboni. Considering all the events that have happened ever since, I am inclined to seize this magazine to publish what I hope will not be the last entry here. I will get straight to the point before proceeding with the ruthless criticism that this party - and nation(s) - require: we, Istalian communists, are abandoning the Communist Party of Istalia, as all communists should have done just after the assassination of Casella. And the reader might ask, why is this? Let us explain, with no censorship and shame.
The failure of the Revolutionary Unity Government
Following the assassination of Auro Casella, the greatest revolutionary this nation has ever had, four members of the PCI decided to take over and install what they called the “Revolutionary Unity Government”, a transitional government composed by Erminio Boni, Amanzio Berni, Publio Carvelli, and Nevio Russo. Boni was a close friend of Carboni. While Casella and Carboni had similar views, Carboni was often more diplomatic and an intellectual. In fact, back when the Forum Liberale was still around, she decided to answer to some proposals made by the Liberals and even agreed to compromise with some of the proposals, something that did not happen, but is a dangerous game to play. Boni, indeed, shared this admiration for diplomacy, unless we were speaking of Pontesi, in which case, he had no shame in speaking like an imperialist beast - not unlike Beiteynu, Lourenne, Pontesi, Kafuristan, Ananto, and the rest of prepubescent empires. Berni, on the other hand, was more pragmatic and truly understood the words of Casella. Both of them would compose what I call the “Left Opposition”, especially Berni.
However, I have mentioned the good actors, but not yet the opportunistic and counter-revolutionary members, Carvelli and Russo. Carvelli was the definition of a soldier turned communist by force: he only shared the cause for the sake of belonging, and not because he had actually understood and immersed in it. Russo, however, was even worse: private letters sent by Russo to different members of the party were revealed by anonymous sources, in which Russo exposed his racist and imperialist mindset. These two are part of what I call the “Right Opposition”. We must be clear: racism is antithetical to the communist cause. The Majatran population, even if very much composed by counter-revolutionaries, is no inferior or superior to any other ethnicity, and the revolution will be for all proletarians of any sex, race, nationality, and age. Not just that, the revolution will liberate the proletariat from any sort of oppression that comes from class society: racism, sexism, xenophobia, etc. will no longer be present in a communist society, and we will not tolerate anyone who holds racist, sexist, xenophobic, and any other oppressive and hateful ideology towards the proletariat of any kind. Our cause is a class movement. Let this not have to be repeated once again.
The Revolutionary Unity Government was meant to fail, logically, when two opportunists and counter-revolutionaries were given a lot of power. At first, alliances did not exist and all seemed to work together, however, eventually, alliances were formed, and this is when the “Left Opposition” and the “Right Opposition” come to exist finally. Until Boni was assassinated and then Russo accused Berni of it and of having threatened to assassinate Russo, who then ordered his execution, with the support of Carvelli. This is when the Revolutionary Unity Government dies, and not just it, but also the revolution that Casella had started decades ago. It was the end of Istalian communism, but the worst was yet to come.
The war between imperialistic, irrational beasts
Soon after declaring the end of the Revolutionary Unity Government, in April 5574 Russo declared war on Pontesi and Kafuristan, sending an unusual amount of ships and soldiers to invade them. However, it did not take long for this to backfire, as Pontesi’s allies (mainly Beiteynu and the Jelbic Empire) joined the war to aid Pontesi, and obviously, recover influence in a territory they used to benefit from trading with, and getting rid of the communist menace in their continent. To no one’s surprise, other nations that had no reason to get involved in the conflict would also join: Luthori seeking to recover the reputation it had lost in the last centuries, Lourenne and Ananto pretending to be rational and friendly by condemning “imperialism” and imposing sanctions. There are very easy explanations for all of this.
Let us start by speaking of Istalia. Russo did not start his rule properly, there was a lot of scepticism around him, especially after the letters were revealed and casually his two opponents died. Historically, we can see that imperialism has often been used for several reasons, one of them being to establish and legitimise rule, through the use of nationalism: by attacking the two main enemies of Istalia (Pontesi and Kafuristan), Russo was distracting our nation of the issues we were facing and that we were going to face with his rule. Our new issue was defeating our two enemies, and everything else no longer mattered. However, this plan was a failure for Russo: he declared war to two nations at the same time, started out in a suicidal way, was not ready for such large-scale war and at such distance, and to make things worse, he faced opposition from most of Terra’s large powers, with barely any help from the Socialist International, except for Zardugal. Eventually, when Kafuristan and Pontesi invaded the nation, Russo was captured and his regime ended. His plan backfired: rather than legitimising and strengthening his rule, it rather ended it.
Another use imperialism has had historically, has been to seize new resources (either through expansionism or puppeteering). We consider that Beiteynu has been in decline for decades and has been trying many different things to sort it out: becoming part of a larger empire, creating a lot of treaties controlling key waters, lands, etc., getting rid of competition internationally (such as Xsampa), and, obviously, intervening in other wars where they could directly or indirectly grab a piece of profit. And this they did with the war between Istalia and Pontesi and Kafuristan, as allies of Pontesi. Strengthening Pontesi, Beiteynu’s puppet (much to their disgrace), benefits Beiteynu in the short-term, however let us make a warning to Beiteynu: if you continue declining and your puppet gets stronger than you, pray the roles do not switch!
And, lastly, another use of imperialism that we have seen throughout history is a rather subtle and indirect one: opportunism. Let me put several examples. Why had Luthori to intervene in this conflict? As Casella addressed in a previous entry, Luthori had once been a very influential and powerful empire that in the last few centuries has decline a lot progressively (similar to what is starting to happen to Beiteynu, although Luthori’s case is more advanced, and Beiteynu seems to have been more competent at resisting the decline). The Luthorian bourgeoisie saw a key opportunity to restore power, influence and reputation: bomb some Istalian cities at the moment they see Istalia is losing, declare yourself part of the winners, and maybe earn some profit off it if you can. Luthorian opportunism has been far from subtle and discreet, though: desperate times require desperate measures, they say. Then, we have Lourenne and Ananto, who used this conflict to pretend they are the “good guys” that would never resort to war, when Lourenne had been constantly intervening in wars and even directly fighting wars against their enemies (such as Beiteynu a couple centuries ago), and Ananto has been attempting to expand its borders, often in a rather aggressive and militaristic way that they try to disguise as “asking in a friendly manner”. Shall we ask Baltusians what they think of the “very friendly” Kalistan?
But we do not only have to criticise the enemies of Istalia, but also its allies. When Istalia declared war on Pontesi and Kafuristan, what should the Socialist International have done? Condemn it as bourgeois imperialism! What did they do, though? Support Istalia, uncritically. But worst of all is, when Istalia needed its allies the most, of all the Socialist International, only Zardugal helped them - when Zardugal was already facing the Jelbic Empire, which was neighbouring them, and could not help much. Casella had criticised Xsampa multiple times for being an opportunist and revisionist nation that often aligned with Lourennais imperialism. We still decided to trust them and ally with them, hoping we could make Xsampa turn away from imperialism and revisionism by cooperating closely. However, Xsampa abandoned Istalian communists, just sent us a few missiles that we could barely use, and then refused to help more because they were, supposedly, blocked by sea. Guess who is now fighting against Beiteynu and is going to face a similar situation to Istalia’s? That is right, Xsampa! And Baltusia, as soon as the war started, kept quiet and offered no help at all. It is hard to believe there has been a revolution at all there: whatever happened to Baltusia, it is a thing of the past. In the present, the revolution has been betrayed and abandoned there as well.
The end of Istalian history
Carvelli, having seized power after Russo was captured, finally decided to surrender and agreed to a harsh peace treaty that divided Istalia in three independent territories: Quanzar, for the Majatran population; Alaria, for the Istalian communists, and Istalia, under control of Pontesi. This is a clear intention of dividing the Istalian population and reducing, like this, the influence of Istalian communists, feeding on nationalism. And it has worked: a new party, seeking to end the Socialist Republic and reunite Istalia, under the name of “Fronte Patriotico d’Istalia”, formed in Alaria despite non-socialist parties being illegal since the times of Casella. Despite Carvelli’s government tried to warn them to disband, they have not listened and the PCI is losing strength and support, so much that Carvelli, now apparently “reformed” and “disappointed”, revealed that it was Russo who assassinated Boni and that he executed Berni because he had found it out, and said that the war that he so much had supported was a mistake. If Carvelli thinks the Istalian proletariat will forget his opportunism, he does not know his own people! But it is not the Istalian proletariat that must worry Carvelli and us, but the Istalian bourgeoisie and petite bourgeoisie, that is now recovering influence and power. Carvelli temporarily suspending elections is not going to stop them, but give them more strength and influence.
Istalia’s history has reached its end. Whatever happens next, will be something entirely new, and our role as communists will be to critically and ruthlessly analyse the new society that is going to form in the next decades, and let the revolution rest until new conditions are there. And learn from our past mistakes, in the meantime, so that for the next revolution to come, this never happens once again. And the only way to do this, is to separate from the revisionist Communist Party of Istalia. From now on, I, Silvio Bianchi, will manage this magazine independently of the PCI and organise with likeminded comrades. This is the end of the Istalian revolution.
16th of April 5599 - Auro Casella
One cannot believe that such an influential communist magazine, the very one I am writing in, ceased to publish new entries in over 30 years, with the death of Auro Casella and the disappearance of Federica Carboni. Considering all the events that have happened ever since, I am inclined to seize this magazine to publish what I hope will not be the last entry here. I will get straight to the point before proceeding with the ruthless criticism that this party - and nation(s) - require: we, Istalian communists, are abandoning the Communist Party of Istalia, as all communists should have done just after the assassination of Casella. And the reader might ask, why is this? Let us explain, with no censorship and shame.
The failure of the Revolutionary Unity Government
Following the assassination of Auro Casella, the greatest revolutionary this nation has ever had, four members of the PCI decided to take over and install what they called the “Revolutionary Unity Government”, a transitional government composed by Erminio Boni, Amanzio Berni, Publio Carvelli, and Nevio Russo. Boni was a close friend of Carboni. While Casella and Carboni had similar views, Carboni was often more diplomatic and an intellectual. In fact, back when the Forum Liberale was still around, she decided to answer to some proposals made by the Liberals and even agreed to compromise with some of the proposals, something that did not happen, but is a dangerous game to play. Boni, indeed, shared this admiration for diplomacy, unless we were speaking of Pontesi, in which case, he had no shame in speaking like an imperialist beast - not unlike Beiteynu, Lourenne, Pontesi, Kafuristan, Ananto, and the rest of prepubescent empires. Berni, on the other hand, was more pragmatic and truly understood the words of Casella. Both of them would compose what I call the “Left Opposition”, especially Berni.
However, I have mentioned the good actors, but not yet the opportunistic and counter-revolutionary members, Carvelli and Russo. Carvelli was the definition of a soldier turned communist by force: he only shared the cause for the sake of belonging, and not because he had actually understood and immersed in it. Russo, however, was even worse: private letters sent by Russo to different members of the party were revealed by anonymous sources, in which Russo exposed his racist and imperialist mindset. These two are part of what I call the “Right Opposition”. We must be clear: racism is antithetical to the communist cause. The Majatran population, even if very much composed by counter-revolutionaries, is no inferior or superior to any other ethnicity, and the revolution will be for all proletarians of any sex, race, nationality, and age. Not just that, the revolution will liberate the proletariat from any sort of oppression that comes from class society: racism, sexism, xenophobia, etc. will no longer be present in a communist society, and we will not tolerate anyone who holds racist, sexist, xenophobic, and any other oppressive and hateful ideology towards the proletariat of any kind. Our cause is a class movement. Let this not have to be repeated once again.
The Revolutionary Unity Government was meant to fail, logically, when two opportunists and counter-revolutionaries were given a lot of power. At first, alliances did not exist and all seemed to work together, however, eventually, alliances were formed, and this is when the “Left Opposition” and the “Right Opposition” come to exist finally. Until Boni was assassinated and then Russo accused Berni of it and of having threatened to assassinate Russo, who then ordered his execution, with the support of Carvelli. This is when the Revolutionary Unity Government dies, and not just it, but also the revolution that Casella had started decades ago. It was the end of Istalian communism, but the worst was yet to come.
The war between imperialistic, irrational beasts
Soon after declaring the end of the Revolutionary Unity Government, in April 5574 Russo declared war on Pontesi and Kafuristan, sending an unusual amount of ships and soldiers to invade them. However, it did not take long for this to backfire, as Pontesi’s allies (mainly Beiteynu and the Jelbic Empire) joined the war to aid Pontesi, and obviously, recover influence in a territory they used to benefit from trading with, and getting rid of the communist menace in their continent. To no one’s surprise, other nations that had no reason to get involved in the conflict would also join: Luthori seeking to recover the reputation it had lost in the last centuries, Lourenne and Ananto pretending to be rational and friendly by condemning “imperialism” and imposing sanctions. There are very easy explanations for all of this.
Let us start by speaking of Istalia. Russo did not start his rule properly, there was a lot of scepticism around him, especially after the letters were revealed and casually his two opponents died. Historically, we can see that imperialism has often been used for several reasons, one of them being to establish and legitimise rule, through the use of nationalism: by attacking the two main enemies of Istalia (Pontesi and Kafuristan), Russo was distracting our nation of the issues we were facing and that we were going to face with his rule. Our new issue was defeating our two enemies, and everything else no longer mattered. However, this plan was a failure for Russo: he declared war to two nations at the same time, started out in a suicidal way, was not ready for such large-scale war and at such distance, and to make things worse, he faced opposition from most of Terra’s large powers, with barely any help from the Socialist International, except for Zardugal. Eventually, when Kafuristan and Pontesi invaded the nation, Russo was captured and his regime ended. His plan backfired: rather than legitimising and strengthening his rule, it rather ended it.
Another use imperialism has had historically, has been to seize new resources (either through expansionism or puppeteering). We consider that Beiteynu has been in decline for decades and has been trying many different things to sort it out: becoming part of a larger empire, creating a lot of treaties controlling key waters, lands, etc., getting rid of competition internationally (such as Xsampa), and, obviously, intervening in other wars where they could directly or indirectly grab a piece of profit. And this they did with the war between Istalia and Pontesi and Kafuristan, as allies of Pontesi. Strengthening Pontesi, Beiteynu’s puppet (much to their disgrace), benefits Beiteynu in the short-term, however let us make a warning to Beiteynu: if you continue declining and your puppet gets stronger than you, pray the roles do not switch!
And, lastly, another use of imperialism that we have seen throughout history is a rather subtle and indirect one: opportunism. Let me put several examples. Why had Luthori to intervene in this conflict? As Casella addressed in a previous entry, Luthori had once been a very influential and powerful empire that in the last few centuries has decline a lot progressively (similar to what is starting to happen to Beiteynu, although Luthori’s case is more advanced, and Beiteynu seems to have been more competent at resisting the decline). The Luthorian bourgeoisie saw a key opportunity to restore power, influence and reputation: bomb some Istalian cities at the moment they see Istalia is losing, declare yourself part of the winners, and maybe earn some profit off it if you can. Luthorian opportunism has been far from subtle and discreet, though: desperate times require desperate measures, they say. Then, we have Lourenne and Ananto, who used this conflict to pretend they are the “good guys” that would never resort to war, when Lourenne had been constantly intervening in wars and even directly fighting wars against their enemies (such as Beiteynu a couple centuries ago), and Ananto has been attempting to expand its borders, often in a rather aggressive and militaristic way that they try to disguise as “asking in a friendly manner”. Shall we ask Baltusians what they think of the “very friendly” Kalistan?
But we do not only have to criticise the enemies of Istalia, but also its allies. When Istalia declared war on Pontesi and Kafuristan, what should the Socialist International have done? Condemn it as bourgeois imperialism! What did they do, though? Support Istalia, uncritically. But worst of all is, when Istalia needed its allies the most, of all the Socialist International, only Zardugal helped them - when Zardugal was already facing the Jelbic Empire, which was neighbouring them, and could not help much. Casella had criticised Xsampa multiple times for being an opportunist and revisionist nation that often aligned with Lourennais imperialism. We still decided to trust them and ally with them, hoping we could make Xsampa turn away from imperialism and revisionism by cooperating closely. However, Xsampa abandoned Istalian communists, just sent us a few missiles that we could barely use, and then refused to help more because they were, supposedly, blocked by sea. Guess who is now fighting against Beiteynu and is going to face a similar situation to Istalia’s? That is right, Xsampa! And Baltusia, as soon as the war started, kept quiet and offered no help at all. It is hard to believe there has been a revolution at all there: whatever happened to Baltusia, it is a thing of the past. In the present, the revolution has been betrayed and abandoned there as well.
The end of Istalian history
Carvelli, having seized power after Russo was captured, finally decided to surrender and agreed to a harsh peace treaty that divided Istalia in three independent territories: Quanzar, for the Majatran population; Alaria, for the Istalian communists, and Istalia, under control of Pontesi. This is a clear intention of dividing the Istalian population and reducing, like this, the influence of Istalian communists, feeding on nationalism. And it has worked: a new party, seeking to end the Socialist Republic and reunite Istalia, under the name of “Fronte Patriotico d’Istalia”, formed in Alaria despite non-socialist parties being illegal since the times of Casella. Despite Carvelli’s government tried to warn them to disband, they have not listened and the PCI is losing strength and support, so much that Carvelli, now apparently “reformed” and “disappointed”, revealed that it was Russo who assassinated Boni and that he executed Berni because he had found it out, and said that the war that he so much had supported was a mistake. If Carvelli thinks the Istalian proletariat will forget his opportunism, he does not know his own people! But it is not the Istalian proletariat that must worry Carvelli and us, but the Istalian bourgeoisie and petite bourgeoisie, that is now recovering influence and power. Carvelli temporarily suspending elections is not going to stop them, but give them more strength and influence.
Istalia’s history has reached its end. Whatever happens next, will be something entirely new, and our role as communists will be to critically and ruthlessly analyse the new society that is going to form in the next decades, and let the revolution rest until new conditions are there. And learn from our past mistakes, in the meantime, so that for the next revolution to come, this never happens once again. And the only way to do this, is to separate from the revisionist Communist Party of Istalia. From now on, I, Silvio Bianchi, will manage this magazine independently of the PCI and organise with likeminded comrades. This is the end of the Istalian revolution.